| "The World is Unthinkable" | |
| An experimental poet pines for the elegant absurdities of Dr. Strangelove | |
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by Don Byrd, January 22, 2007
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Dr. Mahmoud Ahmadinejad:
I received your letter. It is eloquent and sometimes cogent. Even those who will believe you are grandstanding cannot avoid the contradictions in American policy that you note. You know how to push people’s buttons. It’s the next best thing to having a nuclear arsenal.
You address the American people, and I am American by default. I have no Ellis Island stories or
American Through and Through: No Ellis Island stories for Don Byrd grandfathers who ran away from European drafts. My ancestors were Americans as far back as I know. My skepticism about the American government not withstanding, I am American through and through.
Anti-Americanism is the deepest kind of Americanism. Skepticism about government runs in the family. My mother told me not long before she died that she and my father had only voted in one election—the relatives convinced them to vote for Eisenhower—but they subsequently decided it was a mistake. She told me this story, I think, because she thought I was too worried about George Bush.
Addressing a head of state seems at least as important as voting. I want to say something direct and forceful: as an American, I am ashamed of the Bush administration and outraged by its policies as I was ashamed and outraged by the Johnson administration. The arrogance and violence of the American government has been a persistent danger to the people of the Earth. We can agree about George Bush and his neocon ideologues. They are intent upon destroying both your part of the world and—unwittingly perhaps—mine.
It is not just that the Bush administration violated the Constitution; they tampered with the intelligence, attentions, and energies of the people. The resources the U.S. government squandered on arms and armies and the resources they caused other governments to squander trying to keep up could have made the Earth a paradise. That possibility may now be lost.
There is a problem in trying to respond to you, and I think it goes to the heart of the muddled world. Everything I want to say sends me on rhetorical tangents. To get things straight enough to have a correspondence we would have to straighten out everything—every big thing humans ever thought.
We need to start at the beginning. I start babbling about the origins of monotheism or the problem of the One and the Many, or the nature of leadership and perfection. Or I go in another direction. I want to tell you about being scared shitless as a sophomore in college during the Cuban missile crisis. Then there are stories about civil rights and anti-war demonstrations in the sixties.
Late last night, scribbling away, trying to find what I thought to say to you, I was spinning out a conspiracy theory that blamed our predicament—and it is truly a predicament—on the arms makers and “the masters of war” that Bob Dylan sings about. All of these things are relevant and even necessary. Your letter is lodged in a place in world history where all of the paradoxes and impossibilities come together. It is a kind of rhetorical apocalypse.
There was something elegant and funny about our doom in “Dr. Strangelove.” Now we have garbled
An Armageddon You Could Live With: The elegant Cold War absurdities of Dr. Strangelove sentimentality, self-deception, and rank baloney. Your letter and perhaps all of your possible letters and all of my possible responses belong to an impossible history. During the Cold War, both sides were grandly wrong. Now our wrongness is muddled and sad. The world is unthinkable.
You say, “We all deplore injustice, the trampling of peoples’ rights and the intimidation and humiliation of human beings….We all detest darkness, deceit, lies and distortion, and seek and admire salvation, enlightenment, sincerity and honesty.” Such golden sentiments are in some sense undeniable. They are the things we tell ourselves again and again. They are good and true things. They are also meaningless. Repeating them and agreeing upon them does no good, but we have to begin somewhere.
Things went utterly wrong in the twentieth century. It is estimated that nearly 200 million people died directly as a result of political and social policy—war, ethnic cleansing, and other forms of intentional killing. This estimate does not include the unaccounted numbers, surely hundreds of millions more, that died from neglect, murderous, unregulated industry, and willfully irresponsible official action. The platitudes you pen so eloquently are not true. We are not only believing and doing the wrong things; we must also be wanting the wrong things.
You pray, “O, Almighty God, bestow upon humanity the perfect human being promised to all by You, and
Awaiting Perfection: Iraqi Shrine of the Hidden Imam, the Shia Moshiakh make us among his followers.” It is a savvy rhetorical move, but it is the wrong thing to want. It is what both Christian and Islamic End-timers want. It is also probably what George Bush thinks he thinks he wants. (Bush may pray this prayer; he may think he is this leader.)
The perfect human leader bestowed by god would destroy the world and could only destroy the world. Godly perfection means the destruction of the world. To submit to the perfection of the One is the root of the tradition that our cultures share, and everyone is getting antsy and excited about the coming fireworks. It is a dangerous passage, when the opposing forces want the same thing. (The Cold War was less volatile.)
The world is deeply in danger from people like you and George Bush. You are mostly a rhetorical threat. And rhetoric is truly dangerous. It can destroy the world. Bush is more dangerous. Although his rhetoric is meager, his arsenal is large.
I keep thinking perhaps we can destroy the world and save the Earth. We must want not godly or human perfection, but Earthly forms of value, which are never perfect or complete. We need not figure out how a and b can be perfectly devoted to, and united in, the perfect leader. That destroys the world. We must find earthly forms in which what is better for a is better for b. As something to want, it is perhaps as unrealistic as the perfect leader. It can, however, be accomplished one a and b at a time.
Don Byrd
Albany, NY
January 22, 2007
Next: Your Nation is Held Hostage by Palestinian Arabs
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Don Byrd is a poet and writer, who has taught at the State University of New York in Albany for many years. Among his books are The Great Dime Store Centennial and More... |
Michael Weiss
The Prose of Uncommon Knowledge
The British satirist Peter De Vries once remarked that certain people often appear profound on the surface while remaining superficial deep down. I can't imagine his evidence for making such an observation was any more arresting than this exercise in unmitigated nonsense and moral equivalence.
"We can agree about George Bush and his neocon ideologues. They are intent upon destroying both your part of the world and—unwittingly perhaps—mine."
I should very much like to know on what other specific points, apart from the broadstroke apocalyptic, Mr. Byrd and President Ahmadinejad find themselves in agreement. Could we start with a working Persian definition of "neocon" and progress from there?
Also, how does one tamper with the "energies of the people"? It's as if Shirley MacLaine and Vladimir Lenin teamed up to write a Hallmark card.
If this is Western civilization's strongest defense of itself, the mullahs may as well redouble the centrifuge pace at Natanz...
Anonymous
did we read the same letter?
Seems to me that Professor Byrd chose to write a thoughtful, personal, moving response to Ahmadinejad. He's not attempting here to offer a "defense" of Western civilization--if anything, he's doing the opposite. And, hey, if you want a working Persian definition of "neocon," feel free to offer one yourself.
Also don't think the idea of tampering with the "energies of the people" is that difficult to parse. Maybe it would have been clearer to say "wasted the energies of the people" or "lied in order to divert and misuse the energies of the people" or something along those lines, but still the notion/reference isn't hard to grasp in this day and age.
Finally, I won't call Mr. Weiss's comment "unmitigated nonsense" and I won't try to label it a cross between the styles of, perhaps, Rush Limbaugh and good old D'Souza , but I will say that I disagree with its content and question the need for its insult-driven tone.
Izzy Grinspan
yay editorial plurality of political viewpoints!
Anon, I'm with you. Since when is this feature supposed to be an exercise in self-defense? And speaking of assumptions, since when does one experimental poet speak for all "Western Civilization?" That concept is, if anything, even less nuanced than the generalizations in Ahmadinejad's letter.
Also, keep in mind that not everyone responds to such a letter in the form of a foreign policy term paper. Don Byrd chose a literary approach, and I think his letter did exactly what literature is supposed to do: It put words to a highly personal experience.
He writes, "There is a problem in trying to respond to you, and I think it goes to the heart of the muddled world. Everything I want to say sends me on rhetorical tangents. To get things straight enough to have a correspondence we would have to straighten out everything—every big thing humans ever thought." I can't think of a better way to express the difficulty of writing to someone across such an enormous national, ideological and cultural distance.
Michael Weiss
re: did we read the same letter?
I suppose it wasn't terribly nuanced of me to object to this letter's moral equation of the current U.S. president with a man who:
a) denies the Nazi Holocaust and sponsors conferences in a capital city devoted to empirically debunking the atrocity;
b) weekly renews his and his confessional regime's long-term strategy to destroy a sovereign democratic state in the Middle East;
c) recycles the most notorious blood libels about the Jews and not-so-subtly implies (in his original letter) that they are at the levers of a global financial-political conspiracy;
d) is the public face of a reactionary Islamic state working to develop a nuclear arsenal -- an act that is in direct contravention of the Non-Proliferation Treaty to which that state is a signatory -- for the purpose of retaining its power indefinitely and furthering the long-term goal of destroying Israel.
What are these points compared to the tedious spadework of straightening everything out before we can engage in cross-cultural dialogue and find the Zen-like resolution to our mutual antagonisms?
Not sure what the Anonymous commentor means by "this day in age" making Byrd's nebulous gobbledygook more transparent: Would I have been more on target twenty or thirty years ago? But I confess it was incredibly stupid of me to assume that a poet and professor of literature might take stronger objection to a propagandist for a government that silences all internal dissent and works toward the abolition of art and culture (including Persian art and culture) in favor of a single book drafted in the 7th century.
Finally, judging by D'Souza's latest thesis, which exculpates Islamism for its love of pious tradition, he's more on Ahmadinejad's side, too.
Anonymous
Weiss not wise, but "white" American
Mr. Weiss's response to Don Byrd is replete with all the trappings of neo-conservative rhetoric: a) ridicule instead of reason; b) obscure the issues as much as possible; c) marshal facts irrelevant to the case; d) when all else fails - scare.
Everything Mr. Weiss says of Mr. Ahmadinejad is true; however, it is irrelevant. It doesn't matter why Mr Ahmadinejad wrote what he did; consequently, it doesn't matter what Mr. Ahmadinejad believes, nor does it matter what he wants from some Shi'ite utopia of the future.
The question Mr. Ahmadinejad raises (for whatever reason), and to which Profesor Byrd responds (for reasons he makes clear), is: Must we destroy the world in order to come to our senses?
Mr. Weiss seems to have no answer to that question, because, as far as I can tell, he's never thought of it. He speaks of the Holocaust and yet apparently has no idea what it means, other than some people who were Jewish were unnecessarily killed by some people who were not, and therefore we must allow any violence in retaliation (against whom? - all the Germans involved are dead, as far as I know).
In describing the Holocaust, an uncle told me that the grave mistake the victims had made, in not putting up a fight against the Nazis, was begging the question of the Almighty: Shall we be saved or not? and the Almighty answered another question: And what if you are not saved? Shall you believe or not?
Apparently Mr. Weiss does not believe. Professor Byrd, though not Jewish, perhaps of no religion, in any traditional sense, yet clearly does.
We need fewer victims like Mr. weiss (and Mr. Bush, and perhaps Mr. Ahmadinejad, despite his protest otherwise). We need more believers like my uncle and Professor Byrd. We need to stop being afraid and acting accordingly; we need to stop begging the question of the Almighty. His response could destroy us on a whim - His, not anyone else's; as it should be.
-e.j. winner
Michael Weiss
We're all sinners to Winner, a colorless American
I might have expected an invocation of Almighty justice much sooner than at the tail-end of Mr. Winner's comment, which confuses a discussion of what to do about nuclear escalationism and Professor Byrd's fatuous claim that there is nothing to choose between our own government and the one in Tehran. Actually, re-reading Byrd's original letter, I now notice the allusion to an "Earthly paradise" having been forfeited by allocating resources instead to national defense. What, pray tell, would such an Eden look like? This debate seems more and more a pen-pal program between messianic crackpots.
Byrd plainly states that President Bush is more dangerous than President Ahmadinejad and that the former is "intent" on destroying the latter's part of the world. I'd very much like to know such an unacknowledged legislator arrived at this conclusion. And why he imputes apocalyptic motives to the man with "meager" rhetoric when the man who speaks openly and frequently of wiping whole nations off the map is addressed as more of a pigmified nuisance than a major threat to humanity?
Mr. Winner is entitled to his charming opinion that this anxious and desperate confession begs the question of whether we must destroy the world in order to come to our senses (good luck trying that even in the conceptual phase, by the way). But if Ahmadinejad's beliefs and his articulated plan for a Shia utopia are irrelevant to the central purpose of this correspondence, why both writing a letter back to him at all?
Lastly, I'm honored to know that even in being described as a "white American," I can still somehow count myself a "victim" in Winner's epistemology. Must be yet another magic trick of neoconservatives.